China says worried by Japan arms exports ban revision
http://news.yahoo.com/china-
BEIJING (Reuters) - China's Foreign Ministry expressed concern on Tuesday about Japan's drafting of new guidelines that would reverse a decades-old ban on weapons exports, saying it was a worrying part of Tokyo's swing to the right.
A source with knowledge of the matter told Reuters on Sunday that Japan had drafted the new guidelines, a move likely to further strain ties with China and South Korea.
Tokyo has been reviewing the self-imposed export ban under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's new security strategy, aimed at bolstering the self-reliance of the military.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said Japan had to address the concerns of its neighbors about the move.
"Against the backdrop of an intensifying swing to the right for Japanese politics, the intention behind and effect of massively loosening restrictions on the export of weapons really worries people," she told a daily news briefing.
"We hope that Japan can really learn the lessons of history, respect and face up to the legitimate and reasonable security concerns of its Asian neighbors and ... take real steps to promote regional peace and stability."
China's ties with Japan have long been poisoned by what China sees as Japan's failure to atone for its occupation of parts of China before and during World War Two.
China's anger over the past is never far from the surface of relations that have deteriorated sharply over the past 18 months because of a dispute over a chain of uninhabited islands in the East China Sea.
Ships from both countries shadow each other around the islets and Japan has scrambled jets numerous times in response to Chinese aircraft, raising fears of a clash.
Serving as prime minister for a rare second time and enjoying solid public approval, Abe says Japan needs a stronger military to cope with what he calls an increasingly threatening security environment, with a more militarily assertive China and unpredictable North Korea.
(Reporting by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Ron Popeski)
==============================
Philippines protests Chinese use of water cannon
http://news.yahoo.com/By JIM GOMEZ
MANILA, Philippines (AP) — The Philippine government summoned China's top envoy in Manila on Tuesday to protest what it said was the firing of a water cannon by a Chinese government vessel to drive away Filipino fishermen from a hotly disputed shoal in the South China Sea.
Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman Raul Hernandez said the protest was handed to Beijing's charge d'affairs over the Jan. 27 incident at Scarborough Shoal, a rich fishing ground claimed by China and the Philippines. China ignored the protest and called its sovereignty there "indisputable."
China has controlled the shoal since Philippine vessels backed off from a tense standoff there in 2012. Chinese coast guard and surveillance ships have guarded the territory and chased away Filipino fishermen if they ventured close. The Philippines asked an international tribunal last year to declare China's seizure of the shoal and seven other South China Sea reefs illegal.
Filipino fish trader Macario Forones said Chinese coast guard personnel used crude oil-laden waste water while blowing their ship's horn and yelling "Go away, go away" at his fishermen. One or two other Philippine fishing boats were hit by the waste water, he said.
"The water smelled of oil and smeared the side of my fishing boat," Forones told The Associated Press by telephone from western Zambales province. "But my fishermen did not really leave the area. We've spent so much money to travel there and they basically ignored the Chinese."
The Chinese coast guard vessel with bow No. 3063 used its water cannon for several minutes and sounded its horn to drive away 2 of 14 Filipino fishing boats, Hernandez told a news conference.
"It is a strong protest against the Chinese for the harassment," Hernandez said of the diplomatic action, adding that China's massive territorial claim in the South China Sea was "excessive, expansive and illegal."
"These actions, these incidents surely escalate the tension in the area and this further threatens the peace and security and stability in the region," he said.
China repeated that it "has indisputable sovereignty over South China Sea islands and their adjacent waters, Huangyan Island included," using the Chinese name of Scarborough. It did not confirm nor deny the water cannon attack but said Chinese government vessels were patrolling the Scarborough area regularly.
"The Chinese side does not accept the so-called 'protest' by the Philippine side," Chinese Embassy spokesman Zhang Hua said in a statement.
President Benigno Aquino III said his government will ask Beijing if this was an isolated incident or a new Chinese way of engaging rival nations in the disputed waters.
Military chief of staff Gen. Emmanuel Bautista told reporters Monday that Philippine forces adhere to a no-confrontation policy in the disputed areas but would defend the country and its people if they are threatened.
The Philippine military said it would not retaliate.
"Although it is an aggressive act, it does not merit a military response," military spokesman Lt. Col. Ramon Zagala said. "We encourage our fishermen to continue with their normal lives. We cannot let an aggressor stop our way of life, especially livelihood."
China, the Philippines and four other governments have been disputing ownership of resource-rich South China Sea territories for years. Many fear the disputes could set off a major armed conflict.
__
Associated Press writer Oliver Teves contributed to this report.
==============================
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/
South China Sea Disputes Enter a Dangerous Phase: The U.S. Pivot Gathers Steam
Posted: 02/24/2014 2:13 pm EST
Richard Javad Heydarian
Academic/Policy Advisor/Foreign Affairs and Economic Analyst
"At what point do you say: 'Enough is enough'?" Philippine President Benigno Aquino exclaimed in an exclusive interview with the New York Times. It was a forceful call for international support amid intensifying territorial disputes with China. Quite shockingly, he even compared China to Nazi Germany, cautioning the Western powers against appeasing Beijing over disputed maritime features in the Western Pacific. China was infuriated by the comments, dismissing him as an "amateurish" politician.
In many ways, it seems that Aquino has abandoned his earlier efforts -- to no avail -- at reviving communications channels with the Chinese leadership to seek a diplomatic compromise in the South China Sea. But, does he have meaningful external support?
During his recent trip to Asia, I asked British Foreign Secretary William Hague whether the European Union (EU) -- and his country, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council -- is willing to play an active role in resolving territorial disputes in the Western Pacific. After all, the EU has played a proactive role in resolving most pressing international security issues such as the Syrian civil war and the Iranian nuclear conundrum. And as the Asia-Pacific region emerges as the geopolitical pivot of history, where booming consumer markets increasingly serve as the engine of the world economy, the international community has a stake in ensuring stability and the unimpeded flow of trade and investment across the region.
As expected, Hague was extremely cautious with reiterating Britain's commitment to democracy and stability in Asia, without necessarily irking the most important economy in the region, China. Other leading European countries such as Germany and France, which have developed massive investment and trade relations with China in recent decades, have displayed considerable sensitivity to Beijing's geopolitical interests. But given Britain's close ties to Washington and its (still) relatively modest economic stakes in China -- although bilateral trade hit a record high in 2013 -- many in Manila believe that it's far from unrealistic to seek strategic sympathy from European powers such as London.
In fact, Hague emphasized his country's commitment to a rule-based, peaceful resolution of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, but fell short of taking a direct stance on the ownership of contested maritime features. Nonetheless, his endorsement of international law as a basis for ensuring regional peace and security could be interpreted as an implicit endorsement of the Philippines' legal challenge to China's notorious 9-dashline doctrine, which, many neighboring countries contend, contravenes the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
Among Filipino policy-makers, who have nervously watched China's rising territorial assertiveness in recent years, there is a growing feeling that the tide is finally turning in their favor. And this may explain Aquino's decision to risk a permanent breakdown in Philippine-China bilateral relations by likening China to Nazi Germany, and demanding more support from Western powers lest a regional conflict erupts. The Philippines' emergence as a leading emerging market in Southeast Asia has generated additional confidence over its (presumed) importance to Western powers.
Allies to the Rescue
Although lacking even a minimum deterrence capability against China, which is expected to outspend the combined military expenditures of Europe's leading powers next year, the Philippines is relying on increased strategic commitment from two key actors: Tokyo and Washington. And to be fair, there are signs that the Aquino administration could benefit from such gamble.
The Shinzo Abe administration, which enjoys considerable legislative support in the Japanese parliament, is pushing for the revision of Japan's pacifist constitution, paving the way for a full-blown military alliance between Manila and Tokyo. The U.S., meanwhile, is finally signaling its support for the Philippines in an event of war in the Western Pacific, with a new bilateral defense pact entering the final phase of negotiations.
Three years into the U.S.' pivot to Asia, we may finally see a more concrete and decisive effort at "constraining" China by a burgeoning counter-alliance. With the latest Gallup Poll suggesting that China -- not Iran or North Korea -- is seen as America's No. 1 enemy, the Obama administration could count on greater public sympathy for increased U.S. military footprint in Asia.
The Pivot Has Arrived
In geopolitical terms, recent years have been particularly tough for the Philippines. Bilateral and regional negotiations over a diplomatic resolution of the South China Sea disputes have stalled, while China has stepped up its para-military patrols across the area. The Philippines lost the Scarborough Shoal to China in mid-2012, and came dangerously close to losing the Second Thomas Shoal the following year. Manila took the risky decision to challenge Beijing's maritime claims at The Hague without coordinating a similar move by other claimant states such as Vietnam and Japan.
As a result, China was able to isolate the Philippines in various international fora, while leveraging its massive aid and investment pledges to woo other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Since 2012, China has introduced two amendments to its maritime law in the southern province of Hainan, which have reinforced Beijing's jurisdiction over disputed waters. And there are fears that China will impose a new Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea.
There is not even a single Southeast Asian state that can militarily challenge such prospective measure. Throughout 2013, the Philippines and the U.S. also struggled to iron out a new military agreement, which could boost American rotational military presence in the South China Sea. Pushed against the wall, President Aquino painstakingly sought direct negotiations with the top Chinese leadership. Reportedly, the overtures where turned down, unless the Philippines dropped its legal challenge to China's territorial claims.
This year, however, has seen a swift movement towards greater American presence in the region. Much of it was facilitated by the massive deployment of American troops during the Haiyan crisis in the Philippines. Japan also made the historical decision to deploy its largest ever post-war humanitarian contingent to the Philippines, with more than a thousand members of the Japanese Self Defense Forces (JSDF) vigorously assisting the victims of super typhoon in the Philippines.
The New Geopolitical Landscape
This was beyond just a soft power victory for Philippines' allies. Filipino officials (and their American counterparts) were quick to point out the necessity of greater American military presence in the country, if the Philippines were to effectively cope with humanitarian and security challenges. During the ASEAN-Japan Summit in late 2013, Tokyo also promised up to $20 billion in aid and investment pledges to the Southeast Asian countries. Both the U.S. and Japan presented themselves as the anchor of stability and prosperity in the region, pushing back against China's rising influence in Asia.
Much to the delight of the Philippines, the U.S. upped the ante in the following months by vigorously criticizing China's quasi-legal and para-military maneuvers in the South China Sea. Then, in early February, the U.S. made the unprecedented decision to directly question China's claims in the South China Sea. Danny Russel, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific affairs, argued before the U.S. Congress that "any Chinese claim to maritime rights not based on claimed land features would be inconsistent with international law," and encouraged Beijing to display its respect for international law by "clarifying or adjusting its claim[s]" accordingly.
Russel's statements marked a remarkable departure from Washington's careful refusal in the past to take any direct position on the disputes. Previously, the Obama administration tried to present itself as a neutral external party that was only concerned with freedom of navigation in international waters. This was followed by the mid-February visit by U.S. Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Jonathan Greenert, where he raised hops of direct American assistance to the Philippines in an event of conflict in the South China Sea by stating, "Of course we would help you. I don't know what that help would be, specifically. I mean we have an obligation because we have a treaty."
Above all, the Philippines and the U.S. are expected to sign a new defense pact, to be cemented by Obama's planned visit to Manila in late-April. For the Philippines, an upgraded military alliance could potentially mean, among other things, a considerable increase in American rotational military deployments and (quite possibly) temporary access to sophisticated military hardware. The ultimate aim is to deter further Chinese incursions into what the Philippines believes is its rightful maritime territories under the provisions of UNCLOS.
Overall, Aquino may have risked a permanent estrangement with the Chinese leadership over his fiery rhetoric. But it is hoping that rising international concerns over the South China Sea disputes will translate into greater external support against China. As a result, diplomacy has seemingly taken the backseat.
==============================
http://www.philstar.com/
By Pia Lee-Brago and Aurea Calica (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 26, 2014 - 12:00am
MANILA, Philippines - China declared yesterday it has “indisputable sovereignty” over South China Sea islands being claimed by its neighbors and rejected the Philippine protest over an incident where the Chinese coast guard reportedly fired a water cannon at Filipino fishermen in Panatag (Scarborough) Shoal last Jan. 27.
In a statement, the Chinese embassy in Manila said China’s sovereignty also covers Huangyan Island, its name for Panatag Shoal.
“The Chinese side does not accept the so-called ‘protest’ by the Philippine side. We urge the Philippine side to work with the Chinese side to resolve differences through bilateral consultations and negotiations,” Zhang Hua, deputy chief of Political Section and spokesman of the Chinese embassy in Manila, said. “Chinese government vessels are conducting regular patrols within China’s jurisdiction,” he said.
At Malacañang, President Aquino demanded an explanation of the incident from China. The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) summoned yesterday and handed a note verbale to Charge d’Affaires Sun Xiangyang of the Chinese embassy to protest the Jan. 27 incident and other acts of aggression by China in the West Philippine Sea.
“The Department likewise strongly protests the acts of harassment and the manner by which these were committed by China to forcefully drive away Philippine fishing vessels from Bajo de Masinloc,” DFA spokesman Raul Hernandez said.
“The Department vehemently protests the acts of China when its law enforcement vessels drove away Philippine fishing vessels seeking shelter in the Philippines’ Bajo de Masinloc during inclement weather,” he said.
He said that based on information received by the DFA, the Jan. 27 incident involved a Chinese coast guard vessel with bow number 3063 and two Filipino fishing boats.
“The CCG vessel continuously blew its horn and thereafter doused the fishing vessels with water cannons for several minutes,” he said.
The Filipinos, he said, were on boats F/B P8 and F/B Kin based in Zambales.
Hernandez said they received reports of nine other cases of harassment of Filipino fishermen by Chinese civilian maritime law enforcement agency (CMLEA) vessels last year. He said harassment occurred even during inclement weather.
“They (fishermen) reported it (water cannon incident) to the authorities and they expected us to make this protest against the Chinese,” he added.
“As far as the Filipino fishermen in the area, our fishermen have every right to pursue their livelihood in Bajo de Masinloc which is an integral part of the territory over which the Philippines exercises sovereign rights and jurisdiction,” Hernandez said.
“We call on China to respect our sovereignty and the rights of our fishermen in that area,” he said.
Explanation
President Aquino, for his part, wants Beijing to explain the Jan. 27 incident and spell out its policy in dealing with similar situations.
“Now, the first step will be... a diplomatic message... There are various terms for these diplomatic messages directed at the People’s Republic of China to ask them to explain what this incident was all about and what their directions are,” the President told reporters in Cebu where he led the 28th anniversary celebration of EDSA People Power Revolution.
Aquino reiterated there are diplomatic means to settle the matter and that Manila has actually turned to the United Nations for arbitration to peacefully assert the country’s claim over Panatag Shoal, which is well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.
The President said he just learned about the incident recently and would like to have confirmation by getting more information from the people involved.
He said this would provide sound basis for corresponding Philippine action.
“We are not sure at this point in time if we can call it their (Chinese) standard operating procedure because as of (Monday), we have fishermen inside the shoal who are not being harassed nor intimidated by any entity,” the President said.
He said he did not want to react to an incident which Beijing could easily dismiss as having been carried out by coast guard personnel following orders from their commanding officer.
“But be that as it may, I think it is proper for us to ask them exactly what this incident was all about, what their intentions are,” he said.
He added the DFA and the Department of National Defense are now “drafting the appropriate communications” after “conferring and after getting the necessary proof.”
Panatag Shoal, also locally known as Bajo de Masinloc, is a traditional Filipino fishing ground just 220 kilometers off Zambales and 650 km from Hainan island, the nearest major Chinese land mass.
The shoal has been under virtual occupation by the Chinese since April 2012 when they prevented Philippine authorities from arresting Chinese poachers on eight boats.
Unjustifiable
For the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the international community should condemn the Chinese coast guard’s use of force on unarmed fishermen.
“The international community can now be aware of what is the real situation there, that it really merits an international response and condemnation,” AFP public affairs chief Lt. Col. Ramon Zagala said yesterday.
He called the incident “alarming” considering the “already volatile situation” in the area.
“We are supporting the pursuit of government in the path of international tribunal to solve the problem here and the best really is a code of conduct so that it will not happen again,” he said in a press briefing.
When asked by the media what incident would merit military action, Zagala said: “That’s speculative. Don’t let me talk about deploying forces there if that’s what you want to hear.”
He reiterated his call for local fishermen to continue with their normal activities despite China’s aggressive acts. “We cannot let an aggressor stop our way of life,” he said.
Zagala also said the Palawan-based Western Command (Wescom) has assumed supervision over Panatag Shoal from the Northern Luzon Command in Tarlac.
“This is to enhance our external defense capabilities, which are now being concentrated at the Western Command, unity of effort and unity of command, so that our external defense efforts will just be under one commander,” he said.
“The Western Command has the necessary assets that can address territorial defense and monitoring. They have the necessary aircraft that can fly to all these areas for the purpose of monitoring and reporting to higher government office,” he added.
Air Force Lt. Gen. Roy Deveraturda leads the Wescom.
The Nolcom is headed by Army Lt. Gen. Gregorio Catapang. Zambales, which has jurisdiction over Panatag Shoal, is under Nolcom.
Other West Philippine Sea areas being claimed by China and under Wescom’s jurisdiction are Ayungin (Second Thomas) Shoal, Recto (Reed) Bank and Panganiban (Mischief) Reef off Palawan.
When asked whether Wescom already has its hands full, Zagala said: “Yes, but that is their core competency. Remember, Western Command traditionally is commanded by an Air Force or a Navy officer primarily because of external (defense) and that the battle space is at sea and air.” With Alexis Romero, Michelle Zoleta
Richard Javad Heydarian
Academic/Policy Advisor/Foreign Affairs and Economic Analyst
"At what point do you say: 'Enough is enough'?" Philippine President Benigno Aquino exclaimed in an exclusive interview with the New York Times. It was a forceful call for international support amid intensifying territorial disputes with China. Quite shockingly, he even compared China to Nazi Germany, cautioning the Western powers against appeasing Beijing over disputed maritime features in the Western Pacific. China was infuriated by the comments, dismissing him as an "amateurish" politician.
In many ways, it seems that Aquino has abandoned his earlier efforts -- to no avail -- at reviving communications channels with the Chinese leadership to seek a diplomatic compromise in the South China Sea. But, does he have meaningful external support?
During his recent trip to Asia, I asked British Foreign Secretary William Hague whether the European Union (EU) -- and his country, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council -- is willing to play an active role in resolving territorial disputes in the Western Pacific. After all, the EU has played a proactive role in resolving most pressing international security issues such as the Syrian civil war and the Iranian nuclear conundrum. And as the Asia-Pacific region emerges as the geopolitical pivot of history, where booming consumer markets increasingly serve as the engine of the world economy, the international community has a stake in ensuring stability and the unimpeded flow of trade and investment across the region.
As expected, Hague was extremely cautious with reiterating Britain's commitment to democracy and stability in Asia, without necessarily irking the most important economy in the region, China. Other leading European countries such as Germany and France, which have developed massive investment and trade relations with China in recent decades, have displayed considerable sensitivity to Beijing's geopolitical interests. But given Britain's close ties to Washington and its (still) relatively modest economic stakes in China -- although bilateral trade hit a record high in 2013 -- many in Manila believe that it's far from unrealistic to seek strategic sympathy from European powers such as London.
In fact, Hague emphasized his country's commitment to a rule-based, peaceful resolution of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, but fell short of taking a direct stance on the ownership of contested maritime features. Nonetheless, his endorsement of international law as a basis for ensuring regional peace and security could be interpreted as an implicit endorsement of the Philippines' legal challenge to China's notorious 9-dashline doctrine, which, many neighboring countries contend, contravenes the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
Among Filipino policy-makers, who have nervously watched China's rising territorial assertiveness in recent years, there is a growing feeling that the tide is finally turning in their favor. And this may explain Aquino's decision to risk a permanent breakdown in Philippine-China bilateral relations by likening China to Nazi Germany, and demanding more support from Western powers lest a regional conflict erupts. The Philippines' emergence as a leading emerging market in Southeast Asia has generated additional confidence over its (presumed) importance to Western powers.
Allies to the Rescue
Although lacking even a minimum deterrence capability against China, which is expected to outspend the combined military expenditures of Europe's leading powers next year, the Philippines is relying on increased strategic commitment from two key actors: Tokyo and Washington. And to be fair, there are signs that the Aquino administration could benefit from such gamble.
The Shinzo Abe administration, which enjoys considerable legislative support in the Japanese parliament, is pushing for the revision of Japan's pacifist constitution, paving the way for a full-blown military alliance between Manila and Tokyo. The U.S., meanwhile, is finally signaling its support for the Philippines in an event of war in the Western Pacific, with a new bilateral defense pact entering the final phase of negotiations.
Three years into the U.S.' pivot to Asia, we may finally see a more concrete and decisive effort at "constraining" China by a burgeoning counter-alliance. With the latest Gallup Poll suggesting that China -- not Iran or North Korea -- is seen as America's No. 1 enemy, the Obama administration could count on greater public sympathy for increased U.S. military footprint in Asia.
The Pivot Has Arrived
In geopolitical terms, recent years have been particularly tough for the Philippines. Bilateral and regional negotiations over a diplomatic resolution of the South China Sea disputes have stalled, while China has stepped up its para-military patrols across the area. The Philippines lost the Scarborough Shoal to China in mid-2012, and came dangerously close to losing the Second Thomas Shoal the following year. Manila took the risky decision to challenge Beijing's maritime claims at The Hague without coordinating a similar move by other claimant states such as Vietnam and Japan.
As a result, China was able to isolate the Philippines in various international fora, while leveraging its massive aid and investment pledges to woo other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Since 2012, China has introduced two amendments to its maritime law in the southern province of Hainan, which have reinforced Beijing's jurisdiction over disputed waters. And there are fears that China will impose a new Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea.
There is not even a single Southeast Asian state that can militarily challenge such prospective measure. Throughout 2013, the Philippines and the U.S. also struggled to iron out a new military agreement, which could boost American rotational military presence in the South China Sea. Pushed against the wall, President Aquino painstakingly sought direct negotiations with the top Chinese leadership. Reportedly, the overtures where turned down, unless the Philippines dropped its legal challenge to China's territorial claims.
This year, however, has seen a swift movement towards greater American presence in the region. Much of it was facilitated by the massive deployment of American troops during the Haiyan crisis in the Philippines. Japan also made the historical decision to deploy its largest ever post-war humanitarian contingent to the Philippines, with more than a thousand members of the Japanese Self Defense Forces (JSDF) vigorously assisting the victims of super typhoon in the Philippines.
The New Geopolitical Landscape
This was beyond just a soft power victory for Philippines' allies. Filipino officials (and their American counterparts) were quick to point out the necessity of greater American military presence in the country, if the Philippines were to effectively cope with humanitarian and security challenges. During the ASEAN-Japan Summit in late 2013, Tokyo also promised up to $20 billion in aid and investment pledges to the Southeast Asian countries. Both the U.S. and Japan presented themselves as the anchor of stability and prosperity in the region, pushing back against China's rising influence in Asia.
Much to the delight of the Philippines, the U.S. upped the ante in the following months by vigorously criticizing China's quasi-legal and para-military maneuvers in the South China Sea. Then, in early February, the U.S. made the unprecedented decision to directly question China's claims in the South China Sea. Danny Russel, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific affairs, argued before the U.S. Congress that "any Chinese claim to maritime rights not based on claimed land features would be inconsistent with international law," and encouraged Beijing to display its respect for international law by "clarifying or adjusting its claim[s]" accordingly.
Russel's statements marked a remarkable departure from Washington's careful refusal in the past to take any direct position on the disputes. Previously, the Obama administration tried to present itself as a neutral external party that was only concerned with freedom of navigation in international waters. This was followed by the mid-February visit by U.S. Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Jonathan Greenert, where he raised hops of direct American assistance to the Philippines in an event of conflict in the South China Sea by stating, "Of course we would help you. I don't know what that help would be, specifically. I mean we have an obligation because we have a treaty."
Above all, the Philippines and the U.S. are expected to sign a new defense pact, to be cemented by Obama's planned visit to Manila in late-April. For the Philippines, an upgraded military alliance could potentially mean, among other things, a considerable increase in American rotational military deployments and (quite possibly) temporary access to sophisticated military hardware. The ultimate aim is to deter further Chinese incursions into what the Philippines believes is its rightful maritime territories under the provisions of UNCLOS.
Overall, Aquino may have risked a permanent estrangement with the Chinese leadership over his fiery rhetoric. But it is hoping that rising international concerns over the South China Sea disputes will translate into greater external support against China. As a result, diplomacy has seemingly taken the backseat.
==============================
http://www.philstar.com/
Disputed sea is ours – China
By Pia Lee-Brago and Aurea Calica (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 26, 2014 - 12:00am
MANILA, Philippines - China declared yesterday it has “indisputable sovereignty” over South China Sea islands being claimed by its neighbors and rejected the Philippine protest over an incident where the Chinese coast guard reportedly fired a water cannon at Filipino fishermen in Panatag (Scarborough) Shoal last Jan. 27.
In a statement, the Chinese embassy in Manila said China’s sovereignty also covers Huangyan Island, its name for Panatag Shoal.
“The Chinese side does not accept the so-called ‘protest’ by the Philippine side. We urge the Philippine side to work with the Chinese side to resolve differences through bilateral consultations and negotiations,” Zhang Hua, deputy chief of Political Section and spokesman of the Chinese embassy in Manila, said. “Chinese government vessels are conducting regular patrols within China’s jurisdiction,” he said.
At Malacañang, President Aquino demanded an explanation of the incident from China. The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) summoned yesterday and handed a note verbale to Charge d’Affaires Sun Xiangyang of the Chinese embassy to protest the Jan. 27 incident and other acts of aggression by China in the West Philippine Sea.
“The Department likewise strongly protests the acts of harassment and the manner by which these were committed by China to forcefully drive away Philippine fishing vessels from Bajo de Masinloc,” DFA spokesman Raul Hernandez said.
“The Department vehemently protests the acts of China when its law enforcement vessels drove away Philippine fishing vessels seeking shelter in the Philippines’ Bajo de Masinloc during inclement weather,” he said.
He said that based on information received by the DFA, the Jan. 27 incident involved a Chinese coast guard vessel with bow number 3063 and two Filipino fishing boats.
“The CCG vessel continuously blew its horn and thereafter doused the fishing vessels with water cannons for several minutes,” he said.
The Filipinos, he said, were on boats F/B P8 and F/B Kin based in Zambales.
Hernandez said they received reports of nine other cases of harassment of Filipino fishermen by Chinese civilian maritime law enforcement agency (CMLEA) vessels last year. He said harassment occurred even during inclement weather.
“They (fishermen) reported it (water cannon incident) to the authorities and they expected us to make this protest against the Chinese,” he added.
“As far as the Filipino fishermen in the area, our fishermen have every right to pursue their livelihood in Bajo de Masinloc which is an integral part of the territory over which the Philippines exercises sovereign rights and jurisdiction,” Hernandez said.
“We call on China to respect our sovereignty and the rights of our fishermen in that area,” he said.
Explanation
President Aquino, for his part, wants Beijing to explain the Jan. 27 incident and spell out its policy in dealing with similar situations.
“Now, the first step will be... a diplomatic message... There are various terms for these diplomatic messages directed at the People’s Republic of China to ask them to explain what this incident was all about and what their directions are,” the President told reporters in Cebu where he led the 28th anniversary celebration of EDSA People Power Revolution.
Aquino reiterated there are diplomatic means to settle the matter and that Manila has actually turned to the United Nations for arbitration to peacefully assert the country’s claim over Panatag Shoal, which is well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.
The President said he just learned about the incident recently and would like to have confirmation by getting more information from the people involved.
He said this would provide sound basis for corresponding Philippine action.
“We are not sure at this point in time if we can call it their (Chinese) standard operating procedure because as of (Monday), we have fishermen inside the shoal who are not being harassed nor intimidated by any entity,” the President said.
He said he did not want to react to an incident which Beijing could easily dismiss as having been carried out by coast guard personnel following orders from their commanding officer.
“But be that as it may, I think it is proper for us to ask them exactly what this incident was all about, what their intentions are,” he said.
He added the DFA and the Department of National Defense are now “drafting the appropriate communications” after “conferring and after getting the necessary proof.”
Panatag Shoal, also locally known as Bajo de Masinloc, is a traditional Filipino fishing ground just 220 kilometers off Zambales and 650 km from Hainan island, the nearest major Chinese land mass.
The shoal has been under virtual occupation by the Chinese since April 2012 when they prevented Philippine authorities from arresting Chinese poachers on eight boats.
Unjustifiable
For the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the international community should condemn the Chinese coast guard’s use of force on unarmed fishermen.
“The international community can now be aware of what is the real situation there, that it really merits an international response and condemnation,” AFP public affairs chief Lt. Col. Ramon Zagala said yesterday.
He called the incident “alarming” considering the “already volatile situation” in the area.
“We are supporting the pursuit of government in the path of international tribunal to solve the problem here and the best really is a code of conduct so that it will not happen again,” he said in a press briefing.
When asked by the media what incident would merit military action, Zagala said: “That’s speculative. Don’t let me talk about deploying forces there if that’s what you want to hear.”
He reiterated his call for local fishermen to continue with their normal activities despite China’s aggressive acts. “We cannot let an aggressor stop our way of life,” he said.
Zagala also said the Palawan-based Western Command (Wescom) has assumed supervision over Panatag Shoal from the Northern Luzon Command in Tarlac.
“This is to enhance our external defense capabilities, which are now being concentrated at the Western Command, unity of effort and unity of command, so that our external defense efforts will just be under one commander,” he said.
“The Western Command has the necessary assets that can address territorial defense and monitoring. They have the necessary aircraft that can fly to all these areas for the purpose of monitoring and reporting to higher government office,” he added.
Air Force Lt. Gen. Roy Deveraturda leads the Wescom.
The Nolcom is headed by Army Lt. Gen. Gregorio Catapang. Zambales, which has jurisdiction over Panatag Shoal, is under Nolcom.
Other West Philippine Sea areas being claimed by China and under Wescom’s jurisdiction are Ayungin (Second Thomas) Shoal, Recto (Reed) Bank and Panganiban (Mischief) Reef off Palawan.
When asked whether Wescom already has its hands full, Zagala said: “Yes, but that is their core competency. Remember, Western Command traditionally is commanded by an Air Force or a Navy officer primarily because of external (defense) and that the battle space is at sea and air.” With Alexis Romero, Michelle Zoleta
(NTB St)
xem thêm:
Manila phản đối Bắc Kinh dùng vũ lực xua đuổi tàu cá Philippines (RFI). – Biển Đông: Mỹ hậu thuẫn thêm cho Philippines (RFI). - Philippines phản đối TQ dùng vòi rồng tấn công tàu đánh cá (VOA). - Philippines đòi Trung Quốc giải thích (NLĐ). - Manila phản đối TQ sách nhiễu ngư dân (BBC).
xem thêm:
Manila phản đối Bắc Kinh dùng vũ lực xua đuổi tàu cá Philippines (RFI). – Biển Đông: Mỹ hậu thuẫn thêm cho Philippines (RFI). - Philippines phản đối TQ dùng vòi rồng tấn công tàu đánh cá (VOA). - Philippines đòi Trung Quốc giải thích (NLĐ). - Manila phản đối TQ sách nhiễu ngư dân (BBC).
